Markey had previously released the tax returns to reporters, but his home address had been redacted.

After Tuesday’s Senate debate, Markey agreed to release the returns with the address included to counter charges from Republicans that he really lives in Maryland.

Markey has filed his tax returns separately from his wife Susan Blumenthal. The couple owns a home in Chevy Chase, Md.

They also own Markey’s boyhood home in Malden.

Throughout his campaign against GOP Senate hopeful Gabriel Gomez, Republicans have said Markey really lives in Maryland and should be paying taxes there.

Markey has repeatedly said his true home is Malden.

The election is June 25.

• Labor Makes Its First Foray Into Race To Succeed Markey

“She’s been someone that we have had a very good relationship with over the years,” said Joseph T. Carlson, president of the Central Massachusetts AFL-CIO.

The organization, whose territory includes Spilka’s senate district west of Boston, is one of the Massachusetts AFL-CIO’s 10 regional councils.

The councils do not have the power to issue formal endorsements themselves.

But Central Massachusetts — one of two AFL-CIO councils in the Congressional district — is formally recommending that the statewide union endorse Spilka in the Democratic primary.

Spilka is one of at least five Democrats vying to replace Markey should he defeat Republican Gabriel Gomez next week in the special election to replace former U.S. Sen. John Kerry.

The other declared candidates include Middlesex County Sheriff Peter Koutoujian, of Waltham, state Sens. William Brownsberger of Belmont and Katherine Clark of Melrose, and state Rep. Carl Sciortino of Medford.

State Rep. Sean Garballey of Arlington has floated his name. And former state senator and gubernatorial candidate Warren Tolman tells WBUR he is also considering the race.

Observers and union officials say the labor movement will probably not coalesce behind a single candidate.

“I think it’s really tough for us,” said Harris Gruman, executive director of the politically savvy Service Employees International Union Massachusetts State Council.

Gruman said, of the declared candidates, that Spilka, Clark and Sciortino have all been friends of labor in the state legislature.

Various local SEIU unions, he said, may go their own way in the race.

The AFL-CIO has not been the picture of unity of late, either. The statewide union split in the U.S. Senate Democratic primary pitting Markey against U.S. Rep. Stephen Lynch — endorsing neither candidate in the end.

And if the Central Massachusetts council has backed Spilka in the U.S. House contest, the other AFL-CIO council in the Congressional district – the Greater Boston Labor Council, which is larger — has not weighed in yet.

The brewing race has been relatively low key, to date, with candidates wary of distracting public attention from Markey’s Senate bid — or looking too presumptuous about him winning.

But there has been plenty of activity behind the scenes, with campaigns raising money, hiring staff and consultants and looking to shore up support with business, labor and other interest groups.

Clark, for instance, has won the endorsement of several key women’s activists.

The Women’s Campaign Fund, a Washington-based non-partisan group that donates money to women candidates through a political action committee and encourages a national donor base to give, has endorsed Clark.

And Emily’s List, which raises money for pro-choice Democratic women, has put Clark “on the list” — encouraging its own donor network to give to her campaign.

That’s one step below a formal endorsement. And the Spilka campaign confirms that it has lobbied Emily’s List to put her “on the list” too — enlisting some prominent elected officials in the effort.

Emily’s List did not return several calls for comment.

Barbara Lee, a Cambridge philanthropist who works to elect women around the country and is backing Clark, said the candidate’s early fundraising strength gave her an edge among activists.

“Our research shows that women need to be prepared so that they have that infrastructure and are ready on day one,” said Lee.

Clark, a former prosecutor, collected nearly $262,000 in the first quarter of the year, according to campaign finance filings. Spilka, a labor lawyer, started raising money later.

Carlson, of the Central Massachusetts AFL-CIO, said there was no single effort that won Spilka the group’s support — pointing, instead, to her long history of supporting union causes in the legislature.

But her geographical ties to the group played a role, too. And it is the state senator’s regional strength that may be her chief asset in the campaign.

The Fifth Congressional District bends around Boston from the north to the west. And while the other four declared candidates are bunched up in the northern suburbs, Spilka has the western part of the district to herself.

The two candidates were asked about Edward Snowden, a former National Security Agency consultant that leaked details of NSA programs that monitor phone calls of millions of Americans and the internet activity of targets abroad and any Americans citizens they are in contact with. Markey would not go so far as to call Snowden a traitor, but Gomez did.

“Mr. Snowden broke the law and he should be prosecuted fully, and if he put anybody’s life in danger, he’s absolutely a traitor,” Gomez said.

Markey’s Residence

Markey, who owns homes in Maryland and Massachusetts, has released eight years of tax returns, but the address has been redacted. Moderator R. D. Sahl asked him in what state he listed his home address.

“Oh, it is Massachusetts,” Markey replied. “That was just the accountant who made a mistake.”

After the debate, Markey promised reporters he would release the tax forms with the unredacted address Wednesday.

Gun Control

Markey has tried to make gun control an issue in this race. Gomez opposes a federal ban on assault weapons and high-capacity magazines. Markey supports a ban.

“Where would a civilian need a weapon where they could shoot a gun with 100 bullets in it in under two minutes?” Markey asked Gomez.

“Congressman, you know that here in Massachusetts we have a ban on assault weapons,” replied Gomez.

Gomez has objected to a Markey TV ad pointing out that these weapons were used in the massacre in Newtown, Connecticut. Gomez pointed out that he supports expanding background checks on gun purchasers, but he never answered Markey’s question. Markey asked it again.

“Where could a gun like that be used by a civilian that could shoot 100 bullets in under two minutes?” Markey asked.

“What I want to do, congressman, I want to ban all weapons from the wrong people, and you know that’s the way to actually solve the problem and make our schools, our communities, and our kids safer,” Gomez said. “Yet you want to be craven enough to go out there and use the Newtown massacre for political gain and you understand that there’s only one way we’re going to make our schools, our communities and our kids safer, and that’s to pass the expanded background check and tie it to mental illness.”

Term Limits

Gomez asked Markey, who was elected to Congress 37 years ago, if he believes in term limits.

“You just had John McCain in campaigning for you three weeks ago,” Markey replied. “Did you ask John McCain to leave the Senate? You have Mitch McConnell, from Kentucky, the Republican leader in the Senate, raising money for you across the country. Did you ask Mitch McConnell, tell him that it’s time for him to leave the Senate as part of your ability to get support from them to help you in this campaign? No, Mr. Gomez, you did not.”

“Yes, I did,” Gomez interjected.

“No, you did not,” Markey said, incredulous. “You did not tell John McCain that you don’t think he belongs in the Senate anymore as you were praising him at that press conference. That did not happen.”

“I did actually, Congressman,” Gomez slipped in.

In these lively exchanges, Gabriel Gomez exuded more confidence than in their previous encounters. In six days, he finds out if it was enough to move people to vote for him in this heavily Democratic state, or if the extraordinary grassroots effort mounted by Ed Markey is able to turn out enough votes to bring him to the U.S. Senate.

But with some voters just tuning in to the race for the first time, the candidates made their closing arguments with considerable vigor.

Markey wasted little time launching into his central argument against Gomez: that the man who claims to be a new kind of Republican is pushing the party’s “oldest, stalest” ideas on abortion, guns and Social Security.

And Gomez found, perhaps, the sharpest articulation of his main argument: that Markey, a 37-year veteran of the U.S. House of Representatives, has been in Washington for too long and will do little to break the partisan gridlock.

“If you go down there, Congressman, nothing changes,” he said.

Analysts, though, said the debate probably did little to change the dynamics of the race with just seven days to go.

“Both candidates had the gloves off, they were very aggressive,” said Jeffrey Berry, a political scientist at Tufts University. But “I don’t think this debate will make any difference at all. Markey entered the evening ahead in the polls and he remains ahead, as far as I can tell.”

The most recent independent survey, released by The Boston Globe Sunday, showed Markey ahead by 13 points.

Campaign finance records suggest Markey and his Democratic allies are outspending Gomez and his Republican supporters by a ratio of roughly four to one.

And Peter Ubertaccio, a political scientist at Stonehill College, said nothing in the national political discussion has proven powerful enough to swamp the campaign and erase the Democrats’ traditional edge in Massachusetts.

In the Bay State’s last Senate special election three years ago, it was discontent with President Obama’s health care reform proposal that helped catapult Republican Scott Brown to a surprise victory.

On Tuesday night, debate moderator R.D. Sahl put Gomez on the defensive with his first question, asking the venture capitalist and former Navy SEAL why voters should trust him when he has revealed so little about his career.

Gomez attempted to pivot, saying the election is about “who the people are going to trust to actually put the people before party and politics.”

But Sahl said he would come back to the question “because frankly you didn’t answer it.” And Markey piled on, attacking Gomez for refusing to release a list of his clients at private equity firm Advent International.

“My vote record is completely transparent,” Markey said. “But with Mr. Gomez, we still don’t know who his clients are.”

Gomez said, later in the debate, that the firm doesn’t have clients, it has investors — including President Barack Obama, whose pension fund from his days as an Illinois legislator invested in Advent.

It was part of a larger attempt to suggest Markey does not understand the private sector — a claim Gomez made again when Markey downplayed the struggles of Telecom City, a development along the Malden River for which the Democrat obtained millions in federal funding.

“I think this is a great example of somebody who’s never had private sector experience, who’s never had a job up here in Massachusetts,” he said. “You know, analyzing an opportunity and not realizing that it wasn’t going to create what you said it was going to create.”

Gomez also worked, as he has throughout the campaign, to cast himself as a moderate Republican — saying his party is wrong on climate change and immigration reform.

And when Sahl asked Gomez if he supports race-based affirmative action, the Republican suggested he does.

“I think everybody should have equal opportunity to achieve the American Dream,” he said, adding that the “socially” and “demographically” disadvantaged “should have a chance…and if that entails giving them an extra benefit, then yes, I think we should give them that chance.”

Markey said he, too, supports affirmative action.

But if the pair agreed on many issues, the Democrat worked to draw sharp lines where he could.

The candidates, in the middle portion of the debate, asked each other a series of questions. And Markey focused, in one query, on Gomez’s opposition to bans on assault weapons and high-capacity magazines. Why, he asked, would a civilian ever need to fire 100 bullets in under two minutes?

Gomez said he respected the Massachusetts ban on assault weapons and pivoted to his support for expanded gun sale background checks — suggesting that, as a Republican, he would have a better shot than Markey at winning GOP support for the legislation and getting it passed.

That promise of change — of a different kind of politics — also found expression in Gomez’s call for term limits.

Markey pointed out, in response to the call, that Gomez had long-serving Republican Sen. John McCain in town recently to campaign on his behalf.

That provoked one of the sharpest exchanges in the debate.

Gomez said he’d told McCain that he should be term limited.

“No, you did not,” said Markey.

“Yes, I did,” said Gomez.

“Are you calling him a liar?,” Sahl asked.

“I’m saying that did not happen,” said Markey.

The final portion of the debate, which took place at WGBH-TV, focused on foreign policy. Markey suggested a cautious approach to Syria and said the U.S. should only impose a no-fly zone with the full support of its allies.

Gomez suggested the U.S. should support the rebel group best positioned to spread democracy.

Both candidates said the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan suggest the difficulty of imposing American-style democracy on other countries.

But by the end of the night, some analysts were already looking past the June 25 election.

Ubertaccio, the Stonehill College professor, said Gomez’s strong debate performance would not reshape the fundamental contours of the Senate race.

“But if he’s thinking that he wants a future in Massachusetts politics,” Ubertaccio said, “this was a very strong way to finish up this campaign.”

The former head of the U.S. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services joined WBUR’s Morning Edition to discuss his plans for the upcoming election.

Bob Oakes: You are one of the nation’s top experts on health care quality and cost. As those issues come to fore nationally, why leave that work to try and become governor?

Donald Berwick: I want to continue that work as governor. Massachusetts is being looked to by everyone around the country for success in its own health care reform. It’s very important  to have a governor who knows how to get us to health care reform in the state. We haven’t completed the job yet.

But my interests are much broader than that. My career has been devoted to improvement, improvement of large systems of all types and I’m really interested in communities that thrive, not just health care.

Let’s talk about health care though for just a few minutes. What would you do if elected governor next fall to help control the rising cost of health care in Massachusetts?

I’m really proud to be in Massachusetts, it’s the first state in the union that’s made health care a human right. But in order to make that sustainable we’re going to have to reform health care to make it more continuous more responsive to patients, safer. A health care system that’s better will be more affordable and that’s going to involve change. We need hospitals, and health care overall, to really become seamless and coordinate it, those are big changes and as governor I would guide and insist upon those changes throughout the health care system.

So is the state doing enough now in that regard?

We’re en route but there’s a lot more to do. We’re coming from a health care system that’s been addicted to volumes — the more you do the more you make. And that’s not good for patients. Patients need care that’s responsive to them, that keeps them home. We need hospitals that want to be empty, not full, and that’s a big change.

What about the economy? Massachusetts has fared better than most through the recession, but unemployment is still a problem. It currently stands at 6.4 percent. What would you do to help lower that rate?

For that we’re going to need robust communities, communities with infrastructure that works, transportation, education and attention especially to poverty. And to keeping people from falling victim to loss of jobs. I want to work hard at economic development in this state.

On your website you say you want to focus on improving schools, especially the disparities in resources and achievements. What does that mean?

We have good schools in Massachusetts, we’re probably top of the country, but we have a long way to go and there are disparities in schools. You can walk one mile from a school with 90 percent success rate to one with a 30 percent success rate and that’s not acceptable.

One of the most controversial proposals that the legislature and the governor dealt with in this last year was Gov. Patrick’s call for $2 billion in new revenue by closing a bunch of tax loopholes and raising the state’s income tax by 1 full percentage point while cutting the state sales tax. What was your stance on that plan that was designed to raise money for education and transportation?

We need to invest in our future, our transportation system is badly in need of more upkeep and repair thanks to years of neglect. Same goes for education — we need to invest in our children. How we do that is a matter for further analysis but I’m generally in favor of progressive taxation. I think people who make more need to contribute more. I think people who are at the margin need to be less stressed by the tax system.

Does that mean you are in favor of hiking the income tax?

I don’t think the government has a right to the taxpayers’ money. I think it has to earn that. For 30 years I devoted myself effective organizations. I brought that to [Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services] in Washington when I ran it for President Obama. And that’s what I would do as governor. I think effective government is necessary in order to earn the taxpayers’ support.

You’re well known in your field but perhaps a political unknown here in Massachusetts. What do you think your biggest challenge will be in getting support from voters who may be unfamiliar with you?

I’ve been very excited by going around the state meeting voters. I find enormous resonance between the agenda that I have and want to pursue, a progressive future for Massachusetts, the well being of our children, healthy communities, and I’m just excited about the opportunity to work for the state that’s given me so much and I’d like to give back to it now.

And you’ve never held elected office, what makes you think your background in health care qualifies you to lead the Commonwealth?

I’ve worked with government and policy for 30 years throughout my whole career. In Washington, President Obama asked me to run the largest agency in government — $820 billion with 5,500 employees. I had a marvelous experience. I believe in government, I believe in effective government and I think I’ve got the skills and the tools to make Massachusetts the example that this country needs.

• Berwick Makes Campaign For Governor Official

“We could see when we’re looking at the data, this is a Social Security number of someone who had died decades ago,” Bump said, noting that in addition to recipients who died and stayed on the rolls, some of them were “questionable or fake, completely.”

Bump raised eyebrows throughout the state with her audit showing lapses in oversight at the Department of Transitional Assistance, including 1,164 cases where a dead person’s Social Security number was used.

“These were live active accounts. These weren’t just people who were still in the system,” Bump said at a hearing of the House Committee on Post Audit and Oversight. While House Chairman David Linsky (D-Natick) gathers information on DTA failures, which will involve a hearing with DTA Commissioner Stacey Monahan Tuesday, both branches are pushing welfare reform legislation.

An EBT card functions similarly to a debit card holding a balance of whatever benefits the recipient receives, which can include federal food stamps and temporary aid to families. In some cases, rather than checking the Social Security number supplied by an applicant through a database, a DTA employee would take the applicant at his or her word.

“They had the ability to catch it,” said Barry Ahearn, an official in Bump’s office. After the hearing, he described the ease of the checking procedure, saying, “You have to take the data. You have to put it in a specific formula and run it against the database, but it’s not a difficult task.”

Bump, who said her recent audit was the first the office has conducted into the state’s EBT cards, said in some cases the DTA would temporarily permit someone to receive benefits without any Social Security number, and would then never follow up to add the number to the record.

“It’s a series of sets of deficiencies resulting from their failure to properly review the Social Security database. That’s the key finding,” Bump said.

Ahearn said he found no evidence of Social Security numbers belonging to living people being used by different people to receive benefits.

“You’re not allowed specific access to a live person’s Social Security number, so I wouldn’t have access to that at all,” Ahearn said.

Bump said she has “been very impressed” by Monahan, who joined the agency after the last commissioner was pushed out and is in the midst of her own 100-day reform agenda.

The welfare reform bill backed by Senate President Therese Murray would require the DTA to refer to fraud investigators store purchases in “even dollar” amounts, something DTA could do without new legislation, Bump said.

“It’s something that had already been within DTA’s capacity to do, and they simply weren’t doing it,” Bump said. She said, “They already have that capacity. They already get those reports from their EBT cards system vendor. They just don’t use them.”

Bump said her office is conducting further investigations into the use of some of the suspicious Social Security numbers.

“We wouldn’t declare anything straight-up fraud because all of these cases that we’ve identified need to be investigated,” Bump said. She said in some cases members of a family used Social Security numbers in a “numerical sequence.”

Officials are concerned about recipients selling their cards to others among other fraudulent behaviors. Bump’s report, which led to some questions from the administration on its accuracy, followed other audits and reports into the mismanagement of DTA funds.

“I think some of the failures of the agency were so glaring that it was hard to appreciate how they could have persisted, and that the agency wasn’t making use of all of the tools that it already had available,” Bump said, responding to a question of why troubles at the DTA had attained so much interest.

“I have served at the city level, the state level, have even spent some time working at the federal level in my role as senior vice president for a national nonprofit organization,” Richie said.

The 54-year-old Brooklyn-born daughter of a retired New York state Supreme Court judge, Golar Richie moved to Boston with her husband in the 1980s. Their two grown daughters are products of Boston’s public schools.

She served in the state legislature from 1995 to 1999, joining the leadership team and becoming a committee chair in her freshman year as a lawmaker.

“It would be so important to me to have the support of the Massachusetts Women’s Political Caucus,” Golar Richie said, outlining her credentials as she made a successful pitch for an endorsement.

She says her work on Beacon Hill caught the eye of Mayor Thomas Menino. “And he asked me to join his administration, that’s why I left the Legislature. It wasn’t that I was forced out, it wasn’t that I lost an election or anything like that.”

She was a member of Menino’s cabinet for eight years, heading the Department of Neighborhood Development. That led to her next position, as senior adviser to Gov. Deval Patrick, where she met Elizabeth Cardona, director of the Patrick administration’s western Massachusetts office.

“I’m still here because of Charlotte’s mentoring and her coaching, that’s the type of leader that she is,” Golar Richie said.

The chance meeting between Cardona and Golar Richie came at an event honoring people who’ve been influential for Latinos in Massachusetts.

“We were in a community that was desperate for leadership, and Charlotte stepped in and gave us that,” said Jesus Rosa, who chairs the board of the Hispanic American Chamber of Commerce in Boston. He lives in the troubled Bowdoin-Geneva section of Dorchester.

Rosa goes way back with Golar Richie — more than two decades — to when she was community organizer. “It was either stand up and fight, or run. And we decided to fight. Business people were being killed, teenagers were being killed, and it was very easy for people to back up and say, ‘Enough is enough, lets move out.’ So I think it’s a testament to Charlotte that all these years she’s still managed to keep moving forward, and she’s been a good inspiration for people in the neighborhood who’ve known her.”

For Golar Richie, it all goes back to a stint in the Peace Corps in the early 1980s. Shortly after graduating from Rutgers University, and before getting a master’s in journalism from Columbia University, she says it was life changing to do so much in Kenya.

“Teach English as a second language, help to start a library, raise money to start a water tank, and I guess what I’ve found is that I love working with people and I also love public service,” Golar Richie said. “So that is something that I think I’ve carried with me throughout these experiences, and it’s held me in good stead. It’s been important for me to give back.”

Since 2010, Golar Richie has worked for Youth Build USA, a nonprofit involved in youth and community development. “For those who look at this race and say, ‘Huh, it’s about time that we have a woman,’ they’ll be interested in me. For others who say, ‘We need the best candidate,’ I’m hoping they’ll also be interested in me.”

One of the last candidates to enter the race, Golar Richie has attracted some interest. Her supporters include a group of progressive lawmakers with ties to political power bases across the city. But she trails when it comes to campaign dollars and is far behind the top fundraisers.

Still, Golar Richie focuses her retail politics on a different currency: one-on-one contact with voters across the city.

The Democrats’ edge on television is emblematic of a large disparity in overall campaign spending.

As of June 5, Markey had spent some $8.7 million to Gomez’s $2.3 million on everything from salaries to office supplies and TV spots, according to an analysis by the Center for Responsive Politics.

The Democrat had about $2.3 million in cash on hand with the race entering the home stretch, compared to about $1 million for his Republican opponent.

Outside groups supporting Markey — from the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee to the League of Conservation Voters — have spent about $3.7 million to date on advertising and get out the vote efforts.

Independent Gomez supporters, meanwhile, have dropped about $850,000 on the race — almost all of it coming from Super PAC Americans for Progressive Action, which is paying for ads criticizing Markey on Medicare and health care reform.

Markey is the favorite in the race. He led Gomez 54-41 in a Boston Globe poll published Sunday.

But analysts say the spending imbalance shows that Democrats, still smarting from Republican Scott Brown’s upset of Martha Coakley in the special U.S. Senate election in 2010, are not taking the race for granted.

“They’re all really bringing resources to bear in a major way, spending five, six or even seven figures, depending on which organization you’re talking about, to support Markey,” said David Levinthal of the Center for Public Integrity, which reports on money and politics. “They’re not taking any chances here.”

Campaign Media Analysis Group, a division of Kantar Media, did not disclose precise advertising figures for the Markey-Gomez contest; the firm, as a matter of policy, does not provide data free of charge.

But Elizabeth Wilner, a vice president at the company, said the Democrats’ advantage over the Republicans runs between 3-2 and 3.5-2.

Political scientists say when the two sides in a campaign spend evenly on television ads, they tend to cancel each other out with voters — whatever the content of their spots.

But a spending imbalance can have an impact, particularly when the candidates targeted in the ads are largely unknown.

Will Ritter, a spokesman for the Gomez campaign, did not dispute the Campaign Media Analysis Group’s numbers. But he brushed aside the Democrats’ spending edge.

“Congressman Ed Markey and his DC friends can waste all the money they want on negative ads,” he said, in a statement. “Gabriel Gomez’s message of reforming Washington, creating jobs and putting people before politics is resonating with the voters of Massachusetts.”

Andrew Zucker, a spokesman for Markey, said “the more voters learn about the clear differences between Ed Markey and Gabriel Gomez on issues like Gomez’s opposition to banning assault weapons and limiting high-capacity magazines and his willingness to support pro-life justices for the Supreme Court who would overturn Roe v. Wade the clearer it is that Gomez is not on the side of middle-class families in Massachusetts and only Ed Markey can be trusted to fight for the Commonwealth in the Senate.”

Levinthal of the Center for Public Integrity said spending in the special election — operating on a compressed schedule and at an unusual time of year — is already above average for a U.S. Senate race.

The candidates in the last Massachusetts U.S. Senate race, Brown and Democrat Elizabeth Warren, signed a “People’s Pledge” that kept outside groups off the airwaves.

Gomez declined to sign the pledge this time around.

The barrage of independently funded negative TV ads in the closing days of the current campaign, Levinthal said, puts the Bay State in line with the “new normal” for Senate races nationwide.

Berwick served for a year-and-a-half as administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services under Obama, and since January has been meeting with voters and donors as he explored a potential campaign.

So far, Berwick has already raised roughly $223,220 toward a gubernatorial bid, including $100,000 of his own money put toward the campaign, and spent more than $47,827 as he has hired staff and begun to put together a team.

“We lead the nation — with hard work and a continued commitment to making our state better and taking care of the most vulnerable among us, we can ensure that tradition of leadership continues. As a doctor, an educator, an innovator and someone who has dedicated his professional career to making things work better and to helping people — I am ready to lead,” Berwick said in a statement released Monday afternoon.

Berwick said a formal campaign kickoff event and “traditional campaigning” will come later after Democrats “do everything they can to elect my friend Ed Markey to the United State Senate.”

Other Democrats mulling potential campaigns include state Treasurer Steven Grossman and Congressman Michael Capuano. Former Wellesley Selectman and health care executive Joseph Avellone has already announced his campaign for governor, and Evan Falchuk, an attorney who works for Best Doctors, is running as an independent.

Berwick’s evolving campaign resembles in one respect that of Elizabeth Warren in that both arrived on the scene in state politics by capitalizing on profiles they had built while working in Washington, D.C.

• Earlier: Berwick Says Government Can Be ‘Productive Force’