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Purified By Fire:
A History of Cremation in America

Purified by Fire

by Stephen Prothero

University of California Press
Copyright © 2001 All rights reserved.
ISBN: 0-520-20816-1


Chapter One continued


Reading the Rite

There are many things to say about this pioneering cremation. The first and most obvious is that its organizers were social reformers. Their movement was an effort to improve society by substituting for the pollution of burial the purity of cremation. More precisely, early cremationists were just the sort of enlightened ladies and gentlemen whom historians have seen as central to the tradition of genteel reform. Colonel Olcott was a lawyer and Dr. LeMoyne a physician. De Palm was a foreign-born baron and, if we are to believe Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, also a high-ranking Mason—"Grand Cross Commander of the Sovereign Order of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, Knight of St. John at Malta, Prince of the Roman Empire, late Chamberlain to His Majesty the King of Bavaria." Soon the movement would attract an even more impressive list of genteel elites: capitalist William Waldorf Astor, temperance advocate Kate Field, Harvard president Charles William Eliot, newspaper editor Charles A. Dana, educator Elisabeth P. Peabody, philanthropist Andrew Carnegie, abolitionist Cassius Clay, Senator Charles Sumner, Buddhist sympathizer Moncure Conway, ethical culture leader Felix Adler, Unitarian minister Jenkin Lloyd Jones, Episcopalian bishop Phillips Brooks, and Transcendentalist Thomas Wentworth Higginson, to name only a few.[Note 43]

Cremation was to these reformers a method for cultivating individuals and improving society. Not simply a way to make a better nation, it was a way to make better citizens—by uplifting the vulgar to refinement. Individuals who resisted cremation were, by this logic, resisting both the betterment of society and the cultivation of their own virtues. America's pioneering cremationists, like other genteel reformers, were egalitarians insofar as they believed that even the most lowly American was capable of beingraised up to a higher level of culture and civilization. But each was also determined to rank Americans on a continuum from unwashed to washed and thus to preserve the time-honored distinction between uncultivated and cultivated souls: the lowly who needed to be lifted up and those, like themselves, who would do the heavy lifting. Such was the logic of this under-studied aspect of the "refinement of America."[Note 44]

Early cremation reformers may have stood near the center of genteel society, but they were largely religious outsiders, frequently aligning themselves with alternatives to both mainline Protestantism and traditional Catholicism. Later, cremation's popularizers would heed the advice of editorial writers and begin to distance their cause from religious dissent, but at least in its infancy cremation was closely tied to unorthodox spirituality, including Spiritualism, Theosophy, and Asian religions. Many leading cremationists were eccentric in religion as well as temperament. LeMoyne was, according to his friends, nearly as radical religiously as he was politically. Olcott was a Spiritualist turned Theosophist well on his way to becoming a Buddhist. De Palm was, in Olcott's words, "a Voltairean with a gloss of Spiritualism," and, if we are to believe the Tribune, a Rosicrucian and dabbler in "occult sciences" to boot.[Note 45] The "pagan funeral" that Olcott had conducted in May 1876 was as replete with references to Egyptian religious traditions as it was lacking in references to Christianity. And the De Palm cremation in December 1876 was attended, as the Times lamented, by nothing that resembled traditional Christian funerary rites.

Witnesses to De Palm's cremation clearly associated the practice with the "heathen," but exactly which "heathen" isn't clear. Both defenders and detractors wrote repeatedly about cremation as an Asian import, and reinforcing that view were a variety of articles about cremation in Japan and India published in the popular press. Most reports echoed Olcott in describing the receptacle used for the baron's ashes as a "Hindoo cremation urn. . . decorated with Hindoo characters and devices," but one Times reporter indicated that the urn was designed "after the manner practiced by the ancient Greeks and Romans." This confusion is telling, since America's early cremationists linked cremation with what they saw as the great civilizations of Greece, Rome, and India, and Americans in general were not yet aware of the differences among the traditions they lumped together as "heathenism."[Note 46]

Though organizers linked the De Palm cremation with the antique glories of Greco-Roman civilization and the ancient grandeur of India, cremation was a peculiar revival. Early cremationists may have been reviving an ancient rite, but they were modernists to the core. As such, they were determined to improve on ancient precedents, to adapt them to modern, scientific contingencies, and thus to evolve out of a crude, ancient ritual a new and improved practice that was as scientific as it was modern. By drawing a sharp distinction between ancient and modern cremation, American cremationists were able to be true to both their colonial and their anticolonial impulses. Their cosmopolitanism led them to laud India as a cradle of cremation (and to flatter themselves for exhibiting religious and cultural tolerance). But their ethnocentrism led them to view ancient cremation (even as it was practiced at the time in India or among Native Americans) as badly in need of modern improvements. This distinction between ancient and modern cremation was not lost on the folks at Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, who published illustrations accompanying a front-page story on cremation that contrasted "The Ancient Grecian Method" of cremation with the high-tech modern Western one (and noted the superiority of the latter along the way). The same distinction was underscored repeatedly by Olcott, who despite his attraction to the religions of India took pride in the fact that the baron's cremation represented a vast improvement over traditional Hindu practices. Because the body was disposed of in a closed furnace instead of an open pyre, Olcott wrote, "there could be none of that horror of roasting human flesh and bursting entrails which makes one shudder at an open-air pyre-burning.. . . There was none of that unpleasant odour that sometimes sickens one who drives past an Indian burning-ghat."[Note 47]

In part because of the association of cremation with modernity, genteel reform, and unorthodox and Asian religions, the efforts of America's nineteenth-century cremationists did little in the years immediately following the De Palm cremation to sway ungenteel Americans, who like the citizens of Washington continued to overwhelmingly prefer burial, largely on religious grounds. When they were not either ridiculing or ignoring the rite, these traditionalists argued that cremation was a heathen, pagan, and therefore anti-Christian practice: it overturned nearly 2,000 years of the Christian custom of burial, it demonstrated a lack of respect for the sanctity of the body (which was the temple of the Holy Ghost), and it flew in the face of the Christian doctrine of the resurrection of the body.

This verdict notwithstanding, early cremationists were as a group neither areligious nor inattentive to ritual. Neither De Palm's May funeral nor his December cremation were overtly Christian. But neither was secular either. Each was a creole rite that creatively combined Christian and non-Christian, Eastern and Western elements. Virtually every step in each process, moreover, was endowed with spiritual and ritual significance. The baron's Masonic Temple funeral was, no doubt, post-Christian, but it aimed to "illustrate the Eastern notions of death and immortality" via hymns, creeds, prayers, and a myriad of religious symbols.[Note 48] No cremationist involved in the events surrounding the cremation of Baron De Palm believed that his corpse was simply profane material to be dispensed with this way or that. All, in fact, were convinced that there was a right and a wrong way to perform the new cremation rites they were in the process of inventing. De Palm's death rites, in short, demonstrated dechristianization without secularization. What they rejected was not religion per se but traditional Christianity.[Note 49]

Ritual studies expert Catherine Bell has contended that to act ritually is to act in ways that distinguish what you are doing from more ordinary activities. Rituals do not need to be formal or repetitive. In fact, they can be informal and improvised. But they need to distinguish themselves from more mundane practices. Jonathan Z. Smith has made much the same point: "Ritual is, above all, an assertion of difference." From this perspective, Olcott and his charges were clearly acting ritually. The same Times reporter who lamented that "there were no religious services. . . not one iota of ceremony" at the De Palm cremation also reported that Olcott and his fellow cremationists evinced "all proper respect for the dead," that the corpse was "lovingly showered" with flowers and evergreens "as an emblem of immortality," that the flames of the burning evergreen formed "a crown of glory for the dead man," and that some witnesses saw the gradual uplifting of the left hand and the pointing upward of three of its fingers as a miraculous message of sorts. The reporter (who compared the rite with "the fiery ordeal through which Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego passed" in the Hebrew Bible) also noted that officiants preoccupied themselves with all sorts of fine details that together served to distinguish the rite they were constructing from more commonplace activities. They emptied the corpse of fluids in order to prevent an unseemly explosion, wrapped it in a pure white shroud, draped it in an alum-soaked sheet in an effort to prevent any display of nakedness, and dressed it with incense. After some debate, they purposefully placed the body into the furnace head-first. They took pains to take the baron out of his coffin prior to the cremation in order to avoid mixing his ashes with foreign remains (and thus confusing sacred relics with profane fuel). They acted, in short, like priests conducting a solemn ritual. Yes, they were promoting a sanitary technology, but they were also performing a purification rite. It would not have been the least bit out of character if at the end of this rite Olcott and his coofficiants had prayed, as one newsman did: "peace to his ashes."[Note 50]


Cremation after De Palm

The De Palm cremation spread the good news of cremation, but likely set the cremation movement back rather than propelling it forward. Still, in the years that followed that landmark event a slow but steady stream of the dead lined up to follow him into the fire. On July 31, 1877, Dr. Charles F. Winslow, formerly of Boston, Massachusetts, became the second person to be cremated in modern America when his corpse was reduced to ashes in a furnace in Salt Lake City, Utah.[Note 51] A few months later, in November 1877, Julius Kircher, a German-American Lutheran, caused a stir in New York City when, after arguing with his Jewish wife about whether their dead eight-day-old son should be interred in a Lutheran or a Jewish cemetery, he cremated the infant in a furnace in his paint factory.[Note 52] On February 15, 1878, Mrs. Benjamin Pitman of Cincinnati became the first woman to be cremated in modern America and the second person to make use of the facilities at Dr. LeMoyne's crematory.[Note 53] On October 16, 1879, Dr. LeMoyne himself was cremated.[Note 54] Each of these death rites followed to a remarkable extent the precedent of the Baron De Palm.

Like De Palm, Dr. Winslow was a well-traveled and European-educated religious eccentric who was cremated amid religious conservatives (in Winslow's case, Mormons). But Winslow was no secularist. He believed that "what of him was immaterial. . . returned unto the God who gave it." Like LeMoyne, he was a physician who was attracted to cremation because of unpleasant encounters with exhumed human remains. And his cremation, too, stirred controversy; nearly 1,000 people were said to have witnessed his fiery end. Like De Palm, he was embalmed and wrapped in a white linen sheet. Flowers and evergreens adorned his body. And he was carried lovingly and solemnly by pallbearers to the furnace door. Although "no prayer was uttered, no sermon preached, no funeral anthem sung," organizers went to great lengths to assure the purity of his ashes. After iron chips from the apparatus flaked off into the doctor's remains, they were removed one by one before the remains were inurned, shipped to Mount Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and buried alongside his wife's grave—the first cremated remains known to have been interred in Massachusetts. Predictably, editors at the Salt Lake City Daily Tribune responded to Winslow's rite by denouncing cremation as a "cold science" and waxing nostalgic about the heartwarming practice of cemetery visitation.[Note 55]

Mrs. Benjamin Pitman was a professional woman renowned in the field of shorthand. A well-educated but "somewhat eccentric" ex-Swedenborgian who belonged to "the school of advanced thinkers," she was "a woman of more than ordinary refinement" who adhered not to secularism but to the "creed of the beautiful." Constitutionally optimistic, Mrs. Pitman ran a cheerful home where "there was never a thought of gloom." Although only an occasional churchgoer, she "felt confident," according to her husband, "of a life beyond the grave" and, as a result, believed that death should be greeted with gaiety, not sorrow. Her husband apparently agreed not only with Mrs. Pitman's belief in the soul's immortality but also with her scorn for funerary extravagances. In a clear breach of Victorian mourning codes, he refused to allow the customary black crape of death to mark his home's door. Like the De Palm incineration reporters, most newsmen covering Mrs. Pitman's cremation complained thatthe ritual was scandalously underdone. Under the headline "An Unceremonious Rite," a Times reporter said the task was performed "heartlessly"—"there were no religious exercises whatever." "Not a prayer was uttered; not a sigh was heard," the reporter lamented, "not a tear-drop moistened the winding-sheet of the woman who for thirty years had been the beloved wife of Mr. Ben Pitman." These conclusions were not entirely unsubstantiated; Mrs. Pitman's will had directed her survivors that there were to be "no religious observations of any kind." However, the reporter's own writing contains ample evidence of the violation of those directions. Mrs. Pitman's body had been displayed at her Cincinnati home in a beautiful cherry and mahogany casket—an elegant example, custom-carved with the monogram "P" at the foot and a large cross at the head. On the cross sat a wreath of fresh flowers, and the catafalque supporting the coffin was dressed in light blue silk. At an informal service at her home, an address was read and a poem recited. For the trip to the LeMoyne crematory the coffin was draped with black cloth. The corpse was displayed in the crematory's reception room, where observers noted that the pure white satin interior of the coffin perfectly matched the purity of her white satin dress. At the crematory Mrs. Pitman was eulogized, and an original poem was read in lieu of a prayer. The body was taken out of the coffin, wrapped in a white, alum-soaked shroud, covered with flowers, and placed on the catafalque. Attendants then committed the corpse, head-first once again, to the furnace. Later, Mr. Pitman was said to be considering strewing the ashes around the base of Mrs. Pitman's favorite rose bush, "that the blooming and fragrant rose may bring brightly before [her husband's] mind the memory of his loved and faithful wife." In this way, Pitman had added, this believer in the "creed of the beautiful" might be born again as a rose.[Note 56]


Dr. LeMoyne's cremation was more high church. Although painted in the press as a secularist, LeMoyne remained a Christian his whole life. He endowed two chairs at Washington and Jefferson College, an evangelical Protestant school. He said the cremation treatise he drafted just before his death was written "from a Christian stand-point." It included references to "the great Creator" and called Jesus "Savior" and the Bible "the revealed will of God." At a private funeral service at his home, attended by two Protestant ministers, scripture passages were read and a prayer offered. And at the crematory a benediction was recited. Like Mrs. Pitman, LeMoyne reportedly instructed his family to scatter his ashes in a rose bed, "so that the queen of flowers might seek sustenance in his cinerary remains and scent the air with her message of beauty and fragrance." Once again, reporters took offense. Echoing the Tribune's complaint that the De Palm cremation had degenerated into "a charlatan advertisement of a heathen society," the Philadelphia Inquirer concluded that "the great difficulty [with] this reform. . . has been the impracticable character of those persons who have been foremost in urging its adoption.. . . Then the theory of cremation had the misfortune of being taken up by a body of mystics who rejoiced in the learned title of Theosophists, and in whom every vestige of common sense was obliterated.. . . They were the very last class of men and women who should have been picked out to introduce a reform of any kind among a sober and intelligent people, and more especially a reform which, to most minds, seems barbarous and inhuman.[Note 57]

Newspapermen at the Tribune and the Inquirer mistook these pioneers as irreligious and unceremonious because they wrongly equated mainline Protestantism with religion, and traditional rituals with ritualizing itself. Anthropologist Mary Douglas has argued that societies in which social order is emphasized and pressure on the individual to conform to social norms is high tend to be ritualistic. Their rituals, moreover, tend toward the formal. One classic example of this type of society, which Douglas terms "high grid, high group," was Victorian America. In the United States in the 1870s, non-Christians were often denounced as heathens, and rebels against fixed and formal rites were seen not as advocates of new rituals but as opponents of ritualization itself. It should not be surprising, therefore, that eyewitnesses judged early American cremations as unceremonious and sacrilegious. But rather than taking them at their word, we should interpret their judgments as evidence of a historic shift in American ritualization. The Gilded Age is now widely recognized by historians of American religion as an era that, by bringing Buddhism and Hinduism to the United States, nudged the country away from its Protestant past toward a new era of religious pluralism. But it was also an age in which the country began to step, however haltingly, away from ritual formalism and extravagance toward a new era of ritual improvisation and simplicity. At the time, critics dismissed the idiosyncratic rituals invented by the cremationists as unceremonious and areligious. More neutral observers will discern, however, that they were neither. Surely the cremations of De Palm, Pitman, Winslow, and LeMoyne strayed from the standard ritual formula of Gilded Age Americans. While the unwritten rules of ritual propriety dictated a reverence for tradition, those rites celebrated innovation. But however improvised and personalized, they were rites nonetheless. The careful observer will see in them neither an end of religion nor an end of ritual, but a desire for new wine and new wineskins. In the events of December 6, 1876, and beyond we see evidence for a new diversity in American religion. We also glimpse the beginnings of a revolution in American ritual life that would come to fruition in the creative cremation rites of the 1960s through 1990s. [Note 58]

 

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Chapter 1 Notes

[Note 1] Sir Henry Thompson, "Cremation: Treatment of the Body after Death," Contemporary Review 23.2 (January 1874) 319-28. See also P. H. Holland's critical response, "Burial or Cremation?" Contemporary Review 23.3 (February 1874) 477-84; and Thompson's rejoinder, "Cremation: A Reply to Critics and an Exposition of the Process," Contemporary Review 23.4 (March 1874) 553-71.

[Note 2] New York World, quoted in "The Carpers' Club," Daily Graphic (May 2, 1874) 474; "Cremation: Proposed Incorporation of the New Society," Times (April 25, 1874) 2; "Cremation," Philadelphia Medical Times (April 25, 1874) 473; "Editor's Easy Chair," Harper's New Monthly Magazine 49.290 (July 1874) 283; Jacob Wyce Horher, "Cremation," (M. D. thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1875) 18, 21. The patent is number 7,599 (July 28, 1874). The World spoke kindly of cremation in editorials on March 1, 8, 15, 22, and 29, 1874. The results of the doctors' poll appear in J. F. A. Adams, Cremation and Burial: An Examination of their Relative Advantages (Boston: Wright & Potter, 1875). The bibliography is "Cremation as a Mode of Interment, and Related Subjects," Boston Public Library Bulletins 2.30 (July 1874) 268. These are by no means the only texts from 1874. See, e.g., George Bayles, "Disposal of the Dead," Sanitarian 2.3 (June 1874) 97-105; Fannie Roper Feudge, "Burning and Burying in the East," Lippincott's Magazine 13.33 (May 1874) 593-603; and George Bayles, "Cremation and Its Alternatives," Popular Science Monthly (June 1874) 225-28.

[Note 3] Persifor Frazer, Jr., The Merits of Cremation (Philadelphia: n.p., 1874) 7, 8, 12. This paper was originally published in the Penn Monthly in June of 1874.

[Note 4] Frazer, The Merits of Cremation, 13. Frazier was quoting from "Opinion of an English Bishop," Evening Bulletin (April 13, 1874).

[Note 5] O. B. Frothingham, The Disposal of Our Dead (New York: D. G. Francis, 1874) 11, 13.

[Note 6] Frothingham, The Disposal of Our Dead, 13, 27-28, 18, 20.

[Note 7] Frothingham, The Disposal of Our Dead, 22-24.

[Note 8] Richard L. Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York: Knopf, 1992); John Tomisch, A Genteel Endeavor: American Culture and Politics in the Gilded Age (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1971) 24; Frederick Law Olmstead, quoted in Bushman, The Refinement of America, 422. See also Stow Persons, The Decline of American Gentility (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973); John F. Kasson, Rudeness and Civility: Manners in Nineteenth-Century Urban America (New York: Hill and Wang, 1990); and Thomas Bender, New York Intellect: A History of Intellectual Life in New York City, from 1750 to the Beginnings of Our Own Time (New York: Knopf, 1987). The term "dangerous classes" comes from Charles Loring Brace, The Dangerous Classes of New York and Twenty Years' Work among Them (New York: Wynkoop & Hallenbeck, 1872).

[Note 9] "Call a Spade a Spade," Urn 4.3 (March 25, 1895) 2; MC 2.12 (December 1887) 177. Also appearing in a cremationist periodical was this Matthew Arnold dictum, which some have cited as the definitive statement of American gentility: "Culture is to know the best that has been thought and said in the world" (Urn 3.12 [December 25, 1895] 11).

[Note 10] Eric Hobsbawm, "Mass-Producing Traditions: Europe, 1870-1914," in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) 279.

[Note 11] "Cremation: The Ancient Grecian Method of Burning the Dead," Leslie's (April 25, 1874) 1, 101, 103. The Philadelphia Sunday Press published a mythical tale of a physician who cremated his deceased son in a furnace in the cellar of his home. Though intended for publication on April Fool's Day, it appeared later in the month. See "Cremation in Philadelphia," Times (April 20, 1874) 1; and "The Philadelphia Cremation Story a Hoax," Times (April 22, 1874) 1. The Princeton festivities are documented in an undated pamphlet, "Creative Ceremonials Conducted by the Sophomore Class of Princeton College, over the Remains of the Late Brig. Gen. Joseph Bocher." The doggerel appears in "The Carpers' Club," Daily Graphic (May 2, 1874) 474. A Georgia newspaper published an apocryphal account of a pro-cremation meeting in Augusta, Georgia. See "Cremation: The Stupid Philadelphia Hoax Imitated in Georgia," Times (April 28, 1874) 8. Another Augusta-based spoof is discussed in "The Funeral Pile," Boston Herald (November 28, 1876) 4; and "A Distinguished Cremationist," Atlanta Daily Constitution (December 8, 1876) 4. Both articles refer to an open-air pyre cremation, supposedly conducted by either "The Oriental Order of Humanity" or "The Oriental Order of Humilitate."

[Note 12] Cremation: An Ethiopian Sketch (New York: Robert M. De Witt, 1875).

[Note 13] "De Palm's Incineration," Times (December 7, 1876) 6. Other newspaper sources include but are in no way exhausted by: "A Fool Cremated," Atlanta Daily Constitution (December 6, 1876) 4; "Ashes to Ashes," Boston Daily Advertiser (December 9, 1876) 2; "Baron De Palm in Ashes," Boston Daily Globe (December 7, 1876) 8; "A Subject for Cremation," Boston Herald (November 27, 1876) 1; "Cremation," Boston Herald (December 6, 1876) 4; "Cremation," Boston Herald (December 7, 1876) 1; "The Cremation of Baron Palm," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 95.24 (December 14, 1876) 710-712; "Cremation vs. Interment," Boston Pilot (December 28, 1876) 4; "The Subject for Cremation," Boston Post (November 30, 1876) 2; "Cremation," Boston Post (December 7, 1876) 2; "Cremation of the Remains of the Late Baron De Palm," Leslie's (December 23, 1876) 259; "Successful Cremation," New Orleans Times Picayune (December 7, 1876) 8; "Particulars of the De Palm Cremation," New Orleans Times Picayune (December 8, 1876) 8; "Baron Von Palm's Body," Herald (November 29, 1876) 5; "A Theosophical Roast," Herald (December 5, 1876) 5; "A Cremation Pilgrimage," Herald (December 6, 1876) 7; "The Cremation Folly," Herald (December 7, 1876) 6; "Baron De Palm's Cremation," Times (December 6, 1876) 10; untitled editorial, Tribune (November 20, 1876) 4; "Burning and Burial," Tribune (November 28, 1876) 4; "Cremation and Burial," Tribune (December 7, 1876) 4; "The Baron's Last Journey," World (December 5, 1876) 2; "Burning a Baron," World (December 6, 1876) 1; "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876) 2; untitled editorial, World (December 7, 1876) 4; "Cremation," Inquirer (December 6, 1876) 8; "Some Talk on Cremation," Inquirer (December 6, 1876) 8; "Cremation," Inquirer (December 7, 1876) 1-2; "More Cremation Conversation," Inquirer (December 7, 1876) 2; "Cremation of Baron De Palm," Inquirer (December 7, 1876) 4; "De Palm's Body Reduced to Ashes," Philadelphia Press (December 7, 1876) 8; untitled editorial, Philadelphia Press (December 7, 1876) 4; "Cremation," San Francisco Chronicle (December 7, 1876) 1. The Daily Graphic also covered the event exhaustively, devoting to it a series of articles and editorials as well as a front page cartoon (November 28, December 4, 6, 7, 9, 13, and 15, 1876).

[Note 14] John Storer Cobb, A Quartercentury of Cremation in North America (Boston: Knight and Millet, 1901) 100; untitled editorial, Tribune (June 16, 1876) 4; "A Fool Cremated," Atlanta Daily Constitution (December 6, 1876) 4; Boyd Crumrine, History of Washington County, Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: L. H. Everts, 1882) 540; "Dr. LeMoyne's Furnace," Times (February 19, 1878) 2; "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876) 2. For LeMoyne on cremation, see F. Julius LeMoyne, M.D., Cremation: An Argument to Prove That Cremation Is Preferable to Inhumation of Dead Bodies (Pittsburgh: E. W. Lightner, 1878). Additional biographical information can be found in Crumrine, History of Washington County, Pennsylvania, 449, 456, 540, 541, 543-48.

[Note 15] On Olcott, see Stephen Prothero, The White Buddhist: The Asian Odyssey of Henry Steel Olcott (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996).

[Note 16] "Burning and Burial," Tribune (November 28, 1876) 4; "Cremation," Boston Herald (December 6, 1876) 4; Henry S. Olcott, Old Diary Leaves: The History of the Theosophical Society (Adyar, India: Theosophical Publishing House, 1974) 1:150. I discuss this funeral at some length in Prothero, The White Buddhist, esp. 54-57. For more contemporary accounts, see Olcott's Old Diary Leaves, 1:147-84; untitled editorial, New York Independent (June 1, 1876) 15; "A Theosophical Funeral," Times (May 29, 1876) 1; "A Rosicrucian in New-York," Tribune (May 26, 1876) 4; "'Theosophical' Obsequies," Tribune (May 29, 1876) 4; "Baron de Palm's Funeral," Tribune (May 29, 1876) 5; "A Theosophist's Obsequies," San Francisco Chronicle (May 29, 1876) 3; "The Theosophical Ceremonial over a Coffined Corpse," San Francisco Chronicle (June 6, 1876) 1. Apparently De Palm's funeral inspired imitators. See "Another Fancy Funeral," Tribune (March 6, 1878) 4.

[Note 17] "Burning and Burial," Tribune (November 28, 1876) 4; "A Theosophical Funeral," Times (May 29, 1876) 1.

[Note 18] "Two Lively Corpses," Boston Herald (December 1, 1876) 2; "A Rosicrucian in New-York," Tribune (May 26, 1876) 4.

[Note 19] "Dr. LeMoyne's Furnace," Times (February 19, 1878) 2; untitled editorial, Tribune (June 16, 1876) 4.

[Note 20] "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876) 2; "A Cremation Pilgrimage," Herald (December 6, 1876) 7; Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.174.

[Note 21] Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.170.

[Note 22] "A Cremation Pilgrimage," Herald (December 6, 1876) 7; "Two Lively Corpses," Boston Herald (December 1, 1876) 2.

[Note 23] "The Subject for Cremation," Boston Post (November 30, 1876) 2. Robert W. Habenstein and William M. Lamers, The History of American Funeral Directing, 3d rev. ed., ed. Howard C. Raether (Milwaukee: National Funeral Directors Association, 1995) contains a helpful history of embalming in nineteenth-century America (197-231).

[Note 24] "The Subject for Cremation," Boston Post (November 30, 1876) 2; "The Baron's Last Journey," World (December 5, 1876) 2.

[Note 25] "A Cremation Pilgrimage," Herald (December 6, 1876) 7.

[Note 26] "A Cremation Pilgrimage," Herald (December 6, 1876) 7.

[Note 27] "A Cremation Pilgrimage," Herald (December 6, 1876) 7; "Burning a Baron," World (December 6, 1876) 1.

[Note 28] "Baron De Palm's Cremation," Times (December 6, 1876) 10; "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876) 2; "A Cremation Pilgrimage," Herald (December 6, 1876) 7. The Philadelphia Inquirer writer apparently had a stronger stomach. He witnessed a corpse "in a good state of preservation" and was not horrified in the least ("Cremation," Inquirer [December 6, 1876] 8).

[Note 29] "Burning and Burial," Tribune (November 28, 1876) 4.

[Note 30] See A. Otterson, "Cremation of the Dead," in Report of the Board of Health of the City of Brooklyn, 1875-1876 (Brooklyn: Brooklyn Board of Health, 1877) 131-32; and W. J. Asdale, J. P. McCord, and J. D. Thomas, "Cremation," Annual Report of the Board of Health of the City of Pittsburgh for the Year 1876 (Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh Board of Health, 1877) 113-23.

[Note 31] "De Palm's Incineration," Times (December 7, 1876) 6; "The Baron's Cremation," Daily Graphic (December 6, 1876) 2; "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876) 2.

[Note 32] "De Palm's Incineration," Times (December 7, 1876) 6; the other quotation appears in Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.170.

[Note 33]Asdale, McCord, and Thomas, "Cremation," 117; "The Latest Cremation," Inquirer (February 15, 1878) 1.

[Note 34] "De Palm's Incineration," Times (December 7, 1876) 6; "Cremation of the Remains of the Late Baron De Palm," Leslie's (December 23, 1876) 259.

[Note 35] Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.183. The Coney Island suggestion appears in "The End of Cremation," Times (October 17, 1879) 4.

[Note 36] "An Unceremonious Rite," Times (February 16, 1878) 5.


[Note 37] Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.178; "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876) 2; untitled editorial, Daily Graphic (December 7, 1876) 2; "The Cremation Folly," Herald (December 7, 1876) 6.

[Note 38] "Theosophical Obsequies," Tribune (May 29, 1876) 4; "The Cremation Folly," Herald (December 7, 1876) 6; "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876); untitled editorial, World (December 7, 1876) 4; "De Palm's Incineration," Times (December 7, 1876) 6. Olcott would later note that the American papers, "which had made fun of the [Theosophical Society] for having too much religious ceremony at the Baron's funeral, now abused us for having none at all at his cremation" (Old Diary Leaves, 1.170).

[Note 39] "Baron De Palm Cremated," World (December 7, 1876) 2; "Burning a Baron," World (December 6, 1876) 1; "The Cremation Folly," Herald (December 7, 1876) 6.

[Note 40] Stevens and Stokley are quoted in "More Cremation Conversation," Inquirer (December 7, 1876) 2; Wood's remarks are from "Some Talk on Cremation," Inquirer (December 6, 1876) 8.

[Note 41] Untitled editorial, Tribune (November 20, 1876) 4.


[Note 42] "Ashes to Ashes," Boston Daily Advertiser (December 9, 1876) 2; untitled editorial, World (December 7, 1876) 4.

[Note 43] "Cremation of the Remains of the Late Baron De Palm," Leslie's (December 23, 1876) 268.

[Note 44] "Cremation of the Remains of the Late Baron De Palm," Leslie's (December 23, 1876) 268.

[Note 45] Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.149; "A Rosicrucian in New-York," Tribune (May 26, 1876) 4.

[Note 46] "Baron De Palm's Remains," Times (December 5, 1876) 8; "Baron De Palm's Request," Times (December 4, 1876) 8. On cremation in Japan, see: "Walled-In Peoples," Tribune (August 3, 1881) 4; "Cremation in Japan," Tribune (May 26, 1884); "Cremation in Japan," Popular Science Monthly 40:48 (March 1892) 715-16; "Cremation in Japan," MC 1.1 (January 1886) 12. Cremation in Siam (now Thailand) was the subject of an untitled editorial in the Tribune on June 16, 1888 (4). Cremation in China is discussed in "Cremation," JAMA 2.3 (January 19, 1884) 69; and Herbert A. Giles, "A Cremation in China," Eclectic Magazine 29.5 (May 1879) 547-53. Hugo Erichsen's classic early treatment, The Cremation of the Dead (Detroit: D. O. Haynes, 1887) traces cremation back to India (7) and contains illustrations of "Cremation in Calcutta" (14) and "Cremation in Siam" (19). More on cremation in India can be found in: "Cremation in India," MC 1.4 (April 1886) 60-61; "Cremation in India," MC 2.5 (May 1887) 76-77; "Cremation in India," Urn (February 25, 1892) 9. See also Fannie Roper Feudge, "Burning and Burying in the East," Lippincott's Magazine 13.33 (May 1874) 593-603. [

Note 47] "Cremation: The Ancient Grecian Method of Burning the Dead," Leslie's (April 25, 1874) 1; Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.176.

[Note 48] Olcott, Old Diary Leaves, 1.150.

[Note 49] On dechristianization, which I see as a more readily definable and useful construct than secularization, see Michel Vovelle, Piété baroque et déchristianisation en Provence au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Plon, 1973).

[Note 50] Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987) 109, quoted in Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992) 102; "De Palm's Incineration," Times (December 7, 1876) 6. See also Catherine Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).

[Note 51] "Cremation of a Boston Physician," Times (July 18, 1877) 2; "The Cremation of Dr. Winslow," Times (August 5, 1877) 5; "The Salt Lake Cremation," Times (August 9, 1877) 3. See also: "Cremation," Deseret Evening News (August 1, 1877) 3; Ch. Smart, "Cremation Practically Considered," Medical Record 13 (February 9, 1878) 126-29; "Cremation of Dr. Charles F. Winslow," Popular Science Monthly (October 1877) 765-67; and a series of articles and editorials in the Salt Lake City Daily Tribune (July 31, August 1, August 2, 1877).

[Note 52] "Cremation of a Baby," Times (November 20, 1877) 8; "The Kircher Cremation Case," Times (November 21, 1877) 8; "No Objection to Cremating," Times (December 5, 1877) 8.

[Note 53] "Yesterday's Cremation," Boston Globe (February 16, 1878) 1; untitled editorial, Boston Globe (February 18, 1878) 4; untitled editorial, Boston Post (February 18, 1878) 1; "The Cremation Theory Again," Chicago Tribune (February 17, 1878) 4; "Cremation," Tribune (February 16, 1878) 2; "More of Cremation," Tribune (February 25, 1878) 4; "An Ohio Lady to Be Cremated," Times (February 13, 1878) 1; "The Cremation of Mrs. Pitman," Times (February 14, 1878) 5; "An Unceremonious Rite," Times (February 16, 1878) 5; "Dr. LeMoyne's Furnace," Times (February 19, 1878) 2; "The Latest Cremation," Inquirer (February 15, 1878) 1; "Mrs. Pitman Incinerated," Inquirer (February 16, 1878) 3; untitled editorial, Inquirer (February 16, 1878) 4; "Mrs. Jane Pitman's Will," Philadelphia Press (February 13, 1878) 1; "The State," Philadelphia Press (February 16, 1878) 8; untitled editorial, Philadelphia Press (February 16, 1878) 4.

[Note 54] "Le Moyne Cremated," Chicago Tribune (October 17, 1879) 1; "A Cremation at Washington, Penn.," Tribune (October 17, 1879) 1; "A Dead Reformer," Tribune (October 17, 1879) 4; "Cremation of Le Moyne," Inquirer (October 17, 1879) 4; untitled editorial, Inquirer (October 18, 1879) 4; "The Late Dr. Le Moyne's Cremation Furnace," Philadelphia Press (October 16, 1879) 5; "Le Moyne's Body," Philadelphia Press (October 17, 1879) 1; "Reduced to Ashes," Philadelphia Record (October 17, 1879) 1.

[Note 55] "Cremation," Salt Lake City Daily Tribune (August 1, 1877) 1; "The Salt Lake Cremation," Times (August 9, 1877) 3; "Cremation," Salt Lake City Daily Tribune (August 1, 1877) 2.

[Note 56] "An Ohio Lady to Be Cremated," Times (February 13, 1878) 1; "An Unceremonious Rite," Times (February 16, 1878) 5; untitled editorial, Boston Post (February 18, 1878) 1.

[Note 57] LeMoyne, Cremation: An Argument, 5, 13, 18; Hugo Erichsen, Roses and Ashes and Other Writings (Detroit: American Printing Company, 1917) 5; "A Dead Reformer," Tribune (October 17, 1879) 4; untitled editorial, Inquirer (October 18, 1879) 4. The poetic language is Erichsen's, not LeMoyne's.

[Note 58] On the history of religious pluralism in the United States, see Catherine L. Albanese, America: Religions and Religion (3d ed.; Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1999); Diana L Eck, On Common Ground: World Religions in America (CD-ROM; New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); Thomas A. Tweed, Retelling U.S. Religious History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); Thomas A. Tweed and Stephen Prothero, Asian Religions in America: A Documentary History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

 

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