'Double Down' Authors Riff On Obamacare, 2016

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Political analysts John Heilemann and Mark Halperin are pictured at the Here & Now studios. (Jesse Costa/Here & Now)
Political analysts John Heilemann and Mark Halperin are pictured at the Here & Now studios. (Jesse Costa/Here & Now)

Political analysts Mark Halperin and John Heilemann wrote the book "Game Change: Obama and the Clintons, McCain and Palin, and the Race of a Lifetime" about the 2008 presidential campaign. Their latest book, "Double Down: Game Change 2012," is a look behind the scenes of the 2012 presidential campaign (excerpt below).

Halperin and Heilemann join Here & Now's Jeremy Hobson to share their insights on the politics of the day, including the disastrous rollout of President Obama's signature healthcare reform law, and they look ahead to 2016.

Interview Highlights

John Heilemann on how significant the botched rollout is for Obama's legacy

"It's the biggest possible issue. It's bigger than even I think people totally comprehend. I think the president knows there's nothing that's more important to the continued success, to any possible success he's going to have over course of the next three years — his last three years in office, and to his long term legacy. He did a lot of big things in 2009, 2010 — re-regulated Wall Street, passed the stimulus, saved the auto industry — but this was the thing that Democrats have been trying to do, unsuccessfully, for 40 years."

Mark Halperin on why the "big reveals" in their books don't come out earlier

"Both the interviews we do before election day and the ones after — and most of them are after — are done on an embargoed basis for the book. People know the book is going to come out about a year after election day, and so it does allow people to speak freely. It'd be better if they were all on-the-record interviews we could use right away, but the fact is we wouldn't get the kind of information we get, the kind of inside stories that people like to read about — the dialogue, the terms of the relationship, the unvarnished reactions that people have to some of those very visible situations — if we asked people to speak in real time, knowing that it could impact the outcome of the election or be revealed in the immediate aftermath of election day."

John Heilemann on what new media might play into the 2016 campaign

"Mark and I have been doing this both for a couple decades each, and every successive election cycle, you've seen something that has changed the game in terms of technology in media — so from cable television to the internet itself to blogging and then to Facebook and to Twitter. Usually though you kind of get at a hint of what that next thing will be. There was Twitter in 2008, it just wasn't very big. And so by the time it hit in 2012, you sort of could see that one coming. It's not clear what that would be in 2016, although I think probably if there was something, it would have something to do with photography. In terms of mobile communications, that's sort of where a lot of the energy is, although I don't know exactly how that would change the game in the way that Twitter did in this past cycle."

Book Excerpt: 'Double Down'

"Double Down" book coverBy Mark Halperin and John Heilemann

BARACK OBAMA WAS BACK in Chicago and back on the campaign trail, two realms from which he had been absent for a while but which always felt like home. It was April 14, 2011, and Obama had returned to the Windy City to launch his reelection effort with a trio of fund-raisers. Ten days earlier, his people had filed the papers making his candidacy official and opened up the campaign headquarters there. Five hundred and seventy-two days later, the voters would render their judgment. To Obama, Election Day seemed eons away—and just around the corner.

Working his way from two small events for high-dollar donors at fancy restaurants to a crowd of two thousand at Navy Pier, the incumbent served up the old Obama fire. He invoked the memory of the last election night in Grant Park, “the excitement in the streets, the sense of hope, the sense of possibility.” He touted his achievements as “the change we still believe in.” He ended the evening with a “Yes, we can!”

But again and again, Obama cited the burdens of his station. Although he’d always known that as president his plate would be full, the fullness was staggering—from the economic crisis to the swine flu pandemic, the BP oil spill, and the hijacking of an American cargo ship by Somali pirates. (“Who thought we were going to have to deal with pirates?”) He acknowledged the frustrations of many Democrats at the fitfulness of the progress he’d brought about, the compromises with Republicans. He apologized for the fact that his head wasn’t fully in the reelection game. “Over the next three months, six months, nine months, I’m going to be a little preoccupied,” Obama said. “I’ve got this day job that I’ve got to handle.”

The president’s preoccupations at that moment were many and varied, trivial and profound. In public, he was battling with the GOP over the budget and preparing for a face-off over the federal debt ceiling. In secret, he was deliberating over an overseas special-ops raid aimed at a shadowy target who possibly, maybe, hopefully was Osama bin Laden. But the most persistent distraction Obama was facing was personified by Donald Trump, the real estate billionaire and reality show ringmaster who was flirting with making a presidential run under the banner of birtherism—the crackpot conspiracy theory claiming that Obama was born in Kenya and thus was constitutionally ineligible to preside as commander in chief.

Obama had contended with birtherism since the previous campaign, when rumors surfaced that there was no record of his birth in Hawaii. The fringe theorists had grown distractingly shrill and increasingly insistent; after he won the nomination in June 2008, his team deemed it necessary to post his short-form birth certificate on the Web. The charge was lunacy, Obama thought. Simply mental. But it wouldn’t go away. A recent New York Times poll had found that 45 percent of Republicans and 25 percent of voters overall believed he was foreign born. And with Trump serving as a human bullhorn, the faux controversy had escaped the confines of Fox News and conservative talk radio, reverberating in the mainstream media. Just that morning, before Obama departed for Chicago, ABC News’s George Stephanopoulos had asked him about it in an interview, specifically citing Trump—twice.

As Obama made his fund-raising rounds that night, he avoided mentioning Trump, yet the issue remained much on his mind. What confounded him about the problem, beyond its absurdity, was that there was no ready solution. Although Trump was braying for his original long-form birth certificate, officials in Obama’s home state were legally prohibited from releasing it on their own, and the president had no earthly idea where his family’s copy was. All he could do was joke about the topic, as he did at his final event of the night: “I grew up here in Chicago,” Obama told the crowd at Navy Pier, then added awkwardly, “I wasn’t born here—just want to be clear. I was born in Hawaii.”

Obama was looking forward to spending the night at his house in Kenwood, on the city’s South Side—the redbrick Georgian Revival pile that he and Michelle and their daughters left behind when they took up residence in the White House. He arrived fairly late, after 10:00 p.m., but then stayed up even later, intrigued by some old boxes that had belonged to his late mother, Ann Dunham.

Dunham had died seven years earlier, but Obama hadn’t sorted through all her things. Now, alone in his old house for just the third night since he’d become president, he started rummaging through the boxes, digging, digging, until suddenly he found it: a small, four-paneled paper booklet the world had never seen before. On the front was an ink drawing of Kapi‘olani Maternity and Gynecological Hospital, in Honolulu. On the back was a picture of a Hawaiian queen. On one inside page were his name, his mother’s name, and his date of birth; on the other were his infant footprints.

The next morning, Marty Nesbitt came over to have breakfast with Obama. The CEO of an airport parking-lot company, Nesbitt was part of a tiny circle of Chicago friends on whom the president relied to keep him anchored in a reality outside the Washington funhouse. The two men had bonded playing pickup basketball two decades earlier; their relationship was still firmly rooted in sports, talking smack, and all around regular-guyness. After chatting for a while at the kitchen table, Obama went upstairs and came back down, wearing a cat-who-ate-a-whole-flock-of-canaries grin, waving the booklet in the air, and then placing it in front of Nesbitt.

“Now, that’s some funny shit,” Nesbitt said, and burst out laughing.

Clambering into his heavily armored SUV, Obama headed back north to the InterContinental hotel, where he had an interview scheduled with the Associated Press. He pulled aside his senior adviser David Plouffe and press secretary Jay Carney, and eagerly showed them his discovery.

Plouffe studied the thing, befuddled and wary: Is that the birth certificate? he thought.

Carney was bewildered, too, but excited: This is the birth certificate? Awesome.

Obama didn’t know what to think, but he flew back to Washington hoping that maybe, just maybe, he now had a stake to drive through the heart of birtherism, killing it once and for all—and slaying Trump in the bargain. Striding into a meeting with his senior advisers in the Oval Office the next Monday morning, he reached into his suit pocket and whipped out the booklet, infinitely pleased with himself.

“Hey,” Obama announced, “look what I found when I was out there!”

Excerpted from the book DOUBLE DOWN: Game Change 2012, by Mark Halperin and John Heilemann. Reprinted by arrangement of Penguin Press, a member of Penguin Random House LLC (USA). Copyright © 2013 by Mark Halperin and John Heilemann.


This segment aired on December 2, 2013.


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